Three Things I Want to See at the NDP Convention

As I will be a delegate to the upcoming NDP convention next month in Edmonton, I'll be devoting a series of blog posts to some key questions. This will build upon my recent article, in which I argued that Tom Mulcair's merits need to be debated in a context beyond the belief that there are no replacements for him.

But as we build to the convention, I want to see at least three things not directly related to the leadership vote of confidence:

1.  The Ideological Direction of the Party

As some of been quick--and largely correct--to note, the broader ideological trends of the NDP are not solely due to Mulcair. Before Tom, before Jack, and even into the later days of Ed Broadbent's leadership tenure in the 1980s, the party has been on a fairly gradual rightward trajectory. Blaming Tom for all this is unfair.

If the party is to take a leftward move, it goes beyond the leadership question and into the bones of the party. Much has said about changing the constitutional preamble in 2013, but what is inarguable is that the amendments have ended commitments to production beyond profit motives, to social ownership, and to the abolition of poverty.

In my view, those three concepts are essentials in building a society based on economic and social democracy. Without them, we offer only marginal differences from the Liberals and Conservatives. I will support those resolutions that emphasize a democratic socialist economy and society, and reject all those that emphasize a continued turn towards the right.

Again: it isn't all about Tom, so with this in mind, delegates, party members, and the media should be wary of ignoring policy debates.

2.  The Election of Party Officers

Deeply important are the elected women and men who lead the party mostly behind the scenes. These officials have importance in and of themselves, but also via what they represent through their campaigns and candidacies.

On the face of it, there will likely be two broad slates of candidates, one representing the party's mainstream  and institutional consensus, and another put forward by the Socialist Caucus. These two slates will likely face off across most positions, with additional 'independent' candidates running for select spots.

More than specific endorsements--which I feel unqualified to make until I've heard speeches and had to time to more directly parse platforms--I wish to see broad diversity among the executive. This includes diversity in terms of traditional equity-seeking groups, but also in terms of social class, geography, and profession.

Equally important is at least some indication that the national executive contains some unabashed democratic socialist elements. Its unlikely at this stage that the executive will be filled with left voices, but for the party to move forward, socialism needs to be consistently present at the its institutional zenith.

3. Tom Mulcair's Plan for the Future

Beyond the direct question of yes-or-no to Tom, vital is his 2019 road-map to victory, as well as his vision for what Canada the NDP should endeavour to build.

I want to see evidence that Mulciar has taken responsibility for the electoral failure. In some ways, he already has, noting that whatever the strategic blunders, he as leader bears the full brunt. But I want to see that he recognizes that party's liberal turn to be a big part of the 2015 defeat.

While strategic voting played a role, so did it in Ontario, where despite a prominent Stop Hudak campaign, the NDP managed to increase its vote share and maintain its seat count. The federal loss of seats and votes cannot be drawn fully to strategy: ideology factors in, too.

With this in mind, I want to see Tom in some fashion address the following issues:

1. The zero deficit pledge: I am not opposed deficit-free governance, but made as a promise without substantive tax increases was a recipe to endorse austerity measures so familiar under Conservative and Liberal governments. If we're going to promise no deficits, we must pair that with the promise that, if needed, taxes will be raised before we entertain cuts. While Mulcair in the run up to convention is backing away from this policy, I want to see a more forceful rejection of this key election platform.
2. The refusal to raise income taxes: Tom has repeatedly proclaimed that income taxes are bordering on unjust for Canada's wealthiest. This position is in opposition to equality of condition and opportunity, and needs to be changed as soon as possible. We need, as I've argued on this blog before, substantive tax increases, including on middle class Canadians. Socialism isn't cheap, and we can't (and shouldn't) trick Canadians into thinking it is.
3. A Deeper Embrace of the Canadian Left: One personal issue I've had with Mulcair is the feeling that he sees himself as outside of Canada's socialist tradition. This is in part driven by his long ties to the Liberal Party, but more than that: Its his skittishness around the word 'socialism,' his defense and praise of Margaret Thatcher, his continued support of the Quebec Liberals over the socialist--whatever the federalist question--Quebec Solidaire.
   
   All of these points make me feel that Tom really isn't one of us. He can better attempt to address this in the run up to the convention, and seems to have already started, terming himself a "democratic socialist" only days ago. But he needs to keep showing us that he's willing to move in the right (left) direction. 

For me to make my decision on the leadership question, I need to see the outcome of the above points over the following weeks. My hope is that we can turn to a position that emphasizes economic equality, security, and democracy for all Canadians. If we can do that with Mulcair, then so be it. If we can't, then the party can and should be prepared to move in an alternative direction.